Owing to England' s influential position within the United Kingdom it can sometimes be difficult to differentiate English culture from the culture of the United Kingdom as a whole. Additional Resources. Avoid imposing values on others that may conflict or be inconsistent with. Culture permeates conflict no matter what - - sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it.
These models first define the fertility rates of each age class and the.
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Why should companies concern themselves with diversity? Medin, Norbert O. For any conflict that touches us where it matters, where we make meaning and hold our identities, there is always a cultural component. Culture- conflict theory and resource abundance- conflict theory, on the occurrence of. Cultural conflict.
Discover the importance of cultural diversity at Purdue Global. The culture of England is defined by the idiosyncratic cultural norms of England and the English people. American Studies looks at the pop culture you consume, the music you listen to, the things you buy, the foods you eat, the things you learn, the places you visit, the speeches you hear, the things you read, art and what people make — and examines the ways that identity affects the ways that we experience American culture.
The mission of Study. Cultural norms define what is encouraged, discouraged, accepted,. Scholars, specialists, and audiences ascribe different and new meanings to the resource over time. The benefits are strong loyalty, retention of talent, lack of conflict, and high levels of engagement. Culture and Resource Conflict has 2 ratings and 1 review. Cengage Learning Academic Resource Center. Some meanings are more relevant to some audiences than others. Every country has holidays that are nationally or culturally important - typically centering on religious festivals, historical traditions and.
These problems exacerbate the conflict, no matter what the root causes of. Patricia said: this book might be hard to get through for those that don' t study cognition rea. For a biologist, it is likely to be a colony of bacteria or other microorganisms growing in a nutrient medium in a laboratory Petri dish. Described seven important actions involved in the definition of multiculturalism: 5.
However, since Anglo- Saxon times, England has had its own unique culture, apart from Welsh, Scottish or. In Culture and Resource Conflict, authors Douglas Medin, Norbert Ross, and Douglas Cox investigate the discord between whites and Menominee American Indians over hunting and fishing, and in the process, contribute to our understanding of how and why cultures so often collide. So long as the economic pie kept increasing, this incongruity did not much matter, but when prices of food grain and other crops stopped increasing, a clash of interests between the Sikh farmer and the Hindu trader was created.
Irrigation problems have worsened the situation. That Punjab has the best irrigated agriculture in the country is not enough for the rich peasant; while 1. Due to its power and diesel needs, tubewell irrigation, is "three to nine times more costly" India Today. The prosperity of the rich peasanty has thus slackened. Other developments have occurred. Landlessness has increased from The landless, mostly Untouchables and low caste Hindus and Sikhs, have also become politicized by the leftist Agricultural Labor Union. Sikhs in urban trades are neither economically nor numerically as dominant as the Hindus.
And finally, the proportion of Sikhs in the Army has fallen from 35 percent to 20 percent. For the rich Sikh peasantry, faced with Hindu traders on the one hand and politicized labor on the other, religion performs a useful role. It unites the Sikh trader, who is also opposed to the Hindu trader, and the low caste Sikh laborer by dividing the agricultural labor into low caste Sikhs and low caste Hindus or Untouchables.
Religious slogans appeal to the religiosity of the insecure small Sikh peasant and the unpoliticized Sikh laborer. It is unlikely that these links would have automatically led to political action without the mediation of political parties. This mediation did not simply reflect the emerging socio-economic divisions; it deepened them.
The two main rural parties, the ruling Congress and the Akali Dal, a party dominated by the rich Sikh peasanty, have contributed much towards this deepening. Scholars have noted the schizophrenic character of Punjab politics. It has a "dual political system and a dual political area," one secular and the other religious and confined to Sikhs. Since the exhaustion of the green revolution in Punjab, this is the first time that Akalis have not been in power.
Although they had their first relatively stable rule from to , Congress returned to power in The Akali elite, when in power, did not take up any of its present demands with New Delhi where its partner in electoral alliance, the Janata Party, ruled, but soon after the rival Congress returned, agitations were launched in support of the demands. The power implications seem reasonably clear: unless the enhanced economic power of the rich Sikh peasantry is matched with political power, peace will be difficult to maintain in Punjab.
Either political power should compensate for the halt in its economic prosperity, or greater economic incentives must return as expressed in the river waters issue. Interests of the Akali political elites have thus coincided with those of the discontented peasantry. Religion is a particularly effective vehicle of political mobilization in such a situation, for that alone can prevent the increasing differentiation in the Sikh community from fragmented and weak political expression. The ruling Congress has also played an electoral game.
In an effort to weaken Akali Dal, it has, in the recent past, supported rabidly communal factions, including the present messiah Sant Bhindranwale, in the SGPC elections. The Congress is clearly not interested in settling the problem unless some political or electoral gains are likely, or unless the violence reaches explosive proportions. Of all the religious and ethnic issues in contemporary India, history has cast its deepest shadow on Hindu-Muslim relations.
The most critical contemporary phase of this history was the partition of A Muslim sovereign state of Pakistan was born amidst ghastly communal violence but almost as many Muslims as there were in the new constituted Pakistan, for various reasons, stayed in India. The partition did not solve the Hindu-Muslim problems; it caused the situation of the Muslims in India to deteriorate.
They were blamed for the division of the country, their leadership had left and their power was further weakened by the removal of all Muslim-majority areas except Kashmir. Most of all, the conflict between India and Pakistan kept the roots of the communal tension perpetually alive and pushed Muslims into the unfortunate situation of defending their loyalty to India.
Even 36 years after independence, the problem has not been overcome; Hindi-Muslim riots have in fact increased in the last few years. It would be wrong, however, to conclude that the entire Muslim community in India has been under pressure. First, even though a minority according to the census, There are 39 districts in India in which they comprise from between 20 percent to 94 percent of the population.
Many cultural differences exist among them. Only 45 percent speak Urdu and there are caste and sect divisions. As many as 73 percent live in villages; only 27 percent are urban. This is particularly important, after the Hindu-Muslim riots occurred for the most part, in urban centers. Villages have remained largely undisturbed.
Culture and resource conflict why meanings matter
Acute communal consciousness occurs largely in the middle class; its most fertile bases lie in the lower middle classes of growing middle size towns of sizeable Muslim populations. Discrimination exists at other levels in other parts of the country. Decline in the status of Urdu in north India, widespread use of Hindu mythologies and symbols in school textbooks and continuing controversy over the foremost educational institution of Muslims, the Aligarh University, have indeed done much to provoke Muslim fears.
Evidence that the police and administrative machinery in recent riots have sided with violent Hindus has further deepened widespread feelings of discrimination. The emerging character of electoral politics have made matters worse. Communal Hindu parties apart, even the ruling Congress Party, professedly secular, has, since independence, had a dualistic character. The secular strain in the Congress was represented by Nehru but the communal strain was also present in the form of Patel, India's first Deputy Prime Minister, and was more pronounced at the provincial level.
Other arrangements, like land leases, fail to materialize because communities lack the registered property rights that are so necessary to negotiating fair contracts with investors. In the end, land development is slow, leaving land once used by local communities idle or underused while communities struggle to intensify production on their remaining land.
The displacement and sense of grievance generated by neglect of customary rights are pregnant with land-related conflict, and with a potential for violence. This conflict constitutes a serious risk for investors and those who fund their investments. It can also threaten political stability. Similar conundrums now threaten countries like Burma, Cambodia, and Liberia who seek to set up new economic development zones.
International development agencies and other concerned actors, including producer associations, are seeking to mitigate these potentials for conflict.
Development agencies are at a disadvantage in that they are not directly involved in these transactions; they are deals between investors and national governments. They have, however, sought to provide guidance for investors and governments that can avoid or mitigate such conflict.
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Some international organizations have established mandatory standards for their projects. Others have promulgated more broadly applicable but voluntary standards. These standards call for strong consultation processes with local communities, recognition of customary land rights, avoidance of displacement where possible, and where displacement occurs, appropriate compensation for loss of assets and assistance with resettlement.
International investor and producer associations have also enunciated principles regarding responsible investment, but these tend to not deal specifically with land issues see Box D. Conflicts over land develop prior to war, continue through war, and often reemerge to threaten peace building in the post-conflict period. The conflict resolution and management measures taken during the conflict cycle differ for each period, although some themes are constant.
Competition over land, at some level, is normal. Land is a limited and multipurpose resource, and most countries depend upon some combination of markets and regulatory frameworks to mediate that competition. If these mechanisms are working well, conflict is unlikely, but markets are often constrained by regulatory and administrative barriers or by information problems, and politicians often thwart good land governance.
A modest level of conflict can be constructive if managed effectively to prevent it from escalating into violence. In China, widespread community resistance to takings of rural land for incorporation in urban areas without adequate compensation has led to higher compensation standards and central government endorsement of further reforms. In more progressive municipalities, the challenge is to invest in preventing such constructive conflict from escalating and imposing the much greater social and economic costs associated with violent conflict and remediation.
Given that seeds of land-related conflict are often present, what can governments do to prevent unproductive competition and conflict over land from turning violent, and how can donor agencies support those efforts?
Culture and Resource Conflict: Why meanings matter
The most direct approach is to press forward with policies that reduce vulnerability to land-related conflict. Address land scarcity. Governments can often increase the availability of land through reforms such as opening up state lands while taking account customary claims, removing regulatory and administrative barriers to liberalize land and rental markets, or more directly through legislating land reforms.
In Brazil, policies that have allowed access to public lands in the interior have provided a critical release of pressure for lands in more densely populated areas, though at considerable environmental cost. Land scarcity can also be addressed long term through technological innovation, including irrigation and other measures that increase productivity per hectare and allow for more intensive land use. Often existing government programs contribute directly to land-related tensions. The government has suspended the program and is moving to reform it in fundamental ways.
Address insecurity of tenure.
Government and communities create property rights in land and natural resources to avoid a destructive free-for-all. Examples include legal reforms that create more robust property rights for example, reforms that recognizing previously unrecognized customary land rights or programs that regularize informal settlements and community land demarcation and registration. There are new models for community-based, participatory formalization of land rights and land use planning to reconcile competing land uses that can be implemented much more rapidly than the classic systematic registration models.
Those in Mozambique and Ethiopia have attracted attention.
Address land grievances. Grievances are often based on past land loss or displacements and are difficult to address. However, it is sometimes possible to turn back the clock. In southern Malawi, a government-financed, willing-buyer willing- seller program supports groups of landless from communities displaced by colonial land appropriations to buy back land taken from them. In Kazakhstan in , when a new law finalizing the process of de-collectivization was enacted, a legal aid program that advised both local officials and private stakeholders collected data on disputes and fed this back into the implementation process to allow course corrections that reduced potentials for conflict.
If opportunities for such programs are limited or if the programs are unlikely to be effective soon enough to prevent conflict from escalating, governments can take steps to reduce tensions or slow their escalation:. The Norwegian Relief Commission NRC has engaged land issues in connection with its protection activities for returning refugees and those internally displaced in this post-conflict context.
The program has registered 3, and resolved 1, land dispute cases. Mediation and property rights trainings have reached 10, beneficiaries. While there are questions concerning the long-term sustainability of these resolutions, the program has played an important role in relieving post-conflict tensions over land. Once violence spreads and escalates, options for government action are far more limited.
Contending forces struggle over land to control people and resources. In some situations, control of high-value natural resources such as diamonds can be critical. In Sierra Leone, whole populations were displaced from diamond-mining areas by rebel forces. This enabled the rebels to control revenues generated from those mines. In turn, the revenue can fund weapons purchases and sustain and expand conflict.
Conflict that is profitable is far less easily settled than conflict starved of resources.
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Violence radically constrains the possibilities for many of the measures discussed in the section above, but some constructive avenues of action remain open to those seeking to reduce the role of land in conflict. Consider export embargoes. Export embargoes of critical land-based resources timber, oil , and initiatives such as the Kimberly Process Certification Scheme, which tracks diamonds from their point of extraction to point of sale to stem the illicit flow of conflict diamonds, can be established to help reduce the revenue streams fueling armed conflict.
Engage with contending leadership. Engage, if possible, the leadership of groups contending over land issues to shape their perceptions of fair and effective land solutions. Those leading insurgencies are often cut off from information and may come to power enamored of outdated land ideologies.
They may be accessible in the areas they control, and dialogue with them on key land issues can be constructive. Slogans can become intelligible programs through such dialogue, providing potentials for compromise. They may even be pursuing land reform programs in the areas they control and discussions related to those programs are potentially helpful.
Safeguard existing land records. Safeguard existing land records from damage, theft, and tampering by removing those records to safe locations and securing them. Land records in Uganda largely survived many years of conflict due to careful protection of those records by land registry staff. Where government still exercises considerable control in spite of local violence, it can be supported in constructive measures that accommodate those displaced by violence, such as the identification of available land for resettlement programs.
Caution is needed here. Such programs have often resettled displaced individuals on land already claimed by others. Even where that land is nominally owned by the state, such programs can sow the seeds for future land conflict. In Sudan, the carefully crafted provisions of the Peace Agreement on oil revenue sharing between north and south have created a mutual interest in peace that allows for the continued flow of revenue.
Participate in peace negotiations. Peace negotiations can provide opportunities to identify points of agreement among the parties related to land and other natural resources, and it can highlight differences in perceptions of land issues. Recognizing and including provisions devoted to addressing land issues in peace agreements can reduce the potential for future violent conflict. Post-conflict countries often grapple with unresolved and continuing tensions over land. Refugee return and restitution processes can give rise to disputes that threaten to escalate into broader conflict.
Collier and Hoeffler find that one legacy of violent conflict is a high risk of further violent conflict. There is a growing realization that it is essential to manage land-related disputes effectively and to begin to address the more fundamental land policy problems of which those disputes are symptoms, lest the post-conflict country slip back into violence. In the post-conflict period, policymakers should recognize that land issues that contributed to conflict might have been transformed by events. War may have changed alliances and even the local social landscape.
Traditional authorities with one set of land values may now share power with younger leaders who emerged that have different priorities concerning land. In the post-conflict government itself, the parties in power may view land issues differently than they did before when they were in opposition or differently from former government officials. In addition, new land issues will have emerged. Violent conflict, whether episodic or prolonged, usually causes significant changes to land tenure and its administration. In times of conflict people may be indiscriminately or forcibly removed from their land, often without fair compensation or due process, or they may abandon their land because of fear of violence.
Upon return sometimes after weeks, months, or years of displacement , former owners often find others occupying their property and utilizing their land. The process of displacement and return due to violence or the threat of violence can be cyclical and often results in multiple claims to the same parcel of land.